A SAFER SEX LIBERATION: MAPPING AN EMERGING CULTURE
by Matt Mutchler
After a decade of AIDS education campaigns, rates of infection have continued to increase among young gay and bisexual men, in both large1 and small communities.2 This second wave of infection is spreading in the context of a persistent and increasingly antagonistic political climate, in which the newly-elected Republican majority in Congress is threatening to cut federal support for AIDS education programs that explicitly discuss safer sex behaviors.3 The moralist versus rationalist debate between right wing officials and the gay community has largely shaped traditional approaches to AIDS education: the moralists have pushed abstinence, while the gay community has eroticized safer sex with a sex-positive approach. The new wave of infection indicates that neither of these traditional models for AIDS education is working, and that we need to re-theorize AIDS education.
One successful counter-traditional approach, the community empowerment model, is designed to build on and create peer support for safer sex attitudes by clearing up misconceptions about AIDS, eroticizing safer sexual behaviors, strengthening communication and interpersonal skills, and nurturing gay community bonds in a physical gay community space. The Pride Mission, which employed this model, was funded between January 1993 and November 1993 by the National Institute for Mental Health to prevent the spread of HIV among gay and bisexual men between eighteen and twenty-nine years old in Santa Barbara.4 This is my telling of the story of this group's production and affirmation of safer sex values and behaviors. My purpose here is to describe the Pride Mission's scene, functions, and life, and to discuss its impact and meaning in the age of AIDS and safer sex in the gay community.
The Pride Mission Scene
The Pride Mission was uniquely designed to empower its target group by imbuing individuals with the responsibility to make decisions about the project and its goals and activities.5 The Core Group, the decision-making body, consisted of fifteen to twenty volunteers from the target group population, including the Mission's four staff members.6 These individuals were charged with implementing creative ways to reach their peers through social activities (parties, picnics, movie nights, coffee gatherings, bars, etc.) and through networking. The group designed projects which provided opportunities for hundreds to receive urgent information about HIV prevention, peer support for safe sex, self-esteem, and leadership skills. An outreach team composed of Core Group volunteers distributed safer sex instructions and condoms to local gay bars, clubs, cafes, and organizations. The community-level model for AIDS education was founded on the belief that it is necessary to have a place where young gay men can socialize. The Pride Mission had an apartment in which volunteers could develop long term supportive relationships, learn how to encourage their friends to support safer sexual behavior, and recruit new members into the program in a casual, fun environment. The conveniently-located apartment included a kitchen area, a bathroom, a living area and a bedroom which was used as an office. The space was decorated like a home, with posters on the walls, plants, condoms, a fish tank, couches, a coffee table, a TV, a portable tape player, and gay magazines. The Core Group contributed personal items such as CDs, dishes, games, posters, and pictures of sexy gay men to make the apartment feel like a place distinctively for young gay and bisexual men. Individuals often brought queer artifacts such as Ken dolls in drag, sequins and netting (to decorate the house plants), and pictures of gay icons (e.g., Joan Crawford and Bette Davis). The center was a place where young gay men could relax, make coffee, watch videos, read the latest gay news, or just make phone calls and plan activities.
The Core Group began meeting weekly shortly after the project started, to begin planning social and educational activities. 
One of the first tasks was to plan a big party. The men created a party theme, made decorations and graphics, collected refreshments and music, and created a performance committee. The Core Group also decided to sponsor regular social events to make use of the space and attract people to it. Movie nights, scheduled every Tuesday night, consisted of watching Roseanne at 9:00p.m., followed by a gay-themed movie such as Maurice, And the Band Played On, Cabaret, etc. Movie nights became a regular event in the lives of many young gay men in the community, and provided a venue through which individuals formed relationships centered around the Pride Mission. Over time, guys began to sit closely together, lie down on each other, give each other massages and play with their neighbor's hair while watching movies. The space provided a sense of safety, intimacy, and belonging. As one regular movie night fan, Ari, said, "...movie night is a time when we can all group together and relax. We know that it's a time to let go, put other worries or concerns behind, and enjoy ourselves."
For many of the young men, going to a movie night was their first experience with a gay community organization. Movie nights also provided a pool of potential volunteers for the Core Group and participants for Connections, the Safer Sex Education Workshop. Safer sex outreach volunteers got new names and addresses from movie night visitors. These men were later called by Core Group volunteers and asked to get involved in the Pride Mission. Between eight and ten new visitors came almost every week for the duration of the program. Connections provided these members of the target group with valuable safer sex information, communication skills, and encouragement to build gay pride and community while protecting themselves and their peers from HIV infection. The groups focused on eroticizing safer sex, in brainstorming sessions during which the participants were asked to come up with safer sexual behaviors that do not involve the transmission of blood to blood or seminal fluid. Examples included: "massage him with hot oils," "wash his body in the shower...everywhere, " and "play with his hair..."
Once invited to the center, many of the men became volunteers. While not everyone became a Core Group member, many helped out with parties or simply attended events. About forty volunteers helped make plans for the first party. Some chaired committees, while others simply showed up at the party. This "Masquerave" was held at a local cafe decorated with masks (made at a pre-party arts and crafts workshop), balloons, streamers, and large black sheets on the walls, It attracted over 200 young gay and bisexual men and included DJ music, dancing, and a performance piece put on by the Pride Mission Core Group.
Pride Mission volunteers designed performance pieces for each of the four large parties stipulated by the funding agency. These performances were skits involving eight to ten members of the Core Group, who acted out scenes intended to establish safer sex as the norm among their peers. The performance piece, "The Hung and The Breastless", at the second party mimicked a soap opera, but conveyed the message that there is peer acceptance for safer sex behavior. Afterwards, dancing and socializing commenced while Core Group members collected phone numbers to call the party guests later to encourage their involvement with the center. These initial parties created momentum and excitement about planning more events.
The Core Group held smaller parties in addition to the four large ones. The first was called "What's That Thing in Your Hair?" Core Group individuals brought food, decorated the center (with parlor chairs, mannequin heads, and wigs from the barber downstairs), and invited members of the community into the center. Another, "Prideshead Revisited," was held at a local park on a summer day. Everyone who showed up for this "high tea" wore white clothes. The event was structured around games such as badminton, croquet, twister, and musical chairs. "Prideshead Revisited" was considered very successful because it conveyed gay pride in a very public way: young gay and bisexual men hugging, laughing, and playing games together in a public park. At the next event, "Ralph's Cheesecake Party," people came to eat cheesecake, but were also instructed to sit in a circle and share something about themselves which no one else in the Core Group knew. "Ralph's Cheesecake Party" signified that the Core Group had become a close group of friends. The sharing of personal lives and information symbolized a commitment to group solidarity and the building of group bonds. The Core also held regular social events, such as weekly coffee nights, at which people could get together, meet new friends, and talk about common interests and issues. As one Core Group member, Mitch said, "People do things together, they go out together, they watch movies together, they have dinners together, they go out to coffee together, they sleep with each other, you know--all that stuff makes it a community center."
The combination of diverse individuals working closely together day after day on similar goals in a common space gave the Pride Mission center a sense of community. While the Core Group individuals worked on projects, they were also developing friendships and a sense of belonging built around the shared values of safer sex, gay pride, and community membership. Only a few months into the program, it was possible for these young men to spend nearly every night together either working on a committee, watching movies, or just hanging out. Over time, the Core Group individuals formed deeper levels of connection as they began to work and share their lives together through their work at the Pride Mission.
Group processes at the center exemplify the connection between safer sex work and behavior on site. 
For example, a few minutes before one Core Group meeting, some of the men were making Valentine baskets to sell at a fundraiser for the Pride Mission (after the funds from the federal grant had ended). José and Robert were sprawled on the floor surrounded by cardboard Valentine's baskets decorated with pictures of birds and hearts, hundreds of assorted condoms and lubricant, and chocolate candies. People gradually arrived for Core Group and gathered in groups to socialize. One group was talking about our newly-formed gay reading group and another group was discussing and critiquing the latest movies. Jon started the meeting and everyone shared their days. Most people talked about their jobs and school. This process of "checking in" had become a ritual which served as a social support system. On this occasion, people were being generally silly and making "gay jokes". Ralph, for example, was talking about how the giraffes at the zoo are probably gay because their necks are so long. Then, Jon, the project coordinator, wanted to start talking about erotic safer sex ideas for our outreach materials. A new guy named Ricardo entered the group and everyone welcomed him, and then began a brainstorming process for safer sex ideas.
People started yelling out creative suggestions for safer sex such as "licking chocolate off his nipples," "holding his penis close to your heart," "reading dramatic erotic poetry," "tearing his clothes off," "blind-folding him with a jock-strap, etc. Everyone started reeling with laughter at these suggestions, and Ralph said, "It's getting to the point where you can't even bend over to pick up a sock around here." Mike stood up and said, "Oh Nanci, whip my hot white ass and ravage me" as 'his' face lit up with passion and 'his' hand spanked 'his' butt. Everyone roared with laughter. José said he saw a porn picture in which some guy looked like he was in pain because he was "getting it up the ass," and Jon said, "I like it when their expression is saying 'thank-you.'" The meeting then came to an end and some people went to a nearby cafe. These interactions show how the Core Group individuals produced and affirmed safer sex values and norms while engaging in safer sex play together at the center.
The social interactions of one individual at the Pride Mission further illustrate this dynamic in which individuals affirmed their sexuality through the expression of gay pride and safer sex norms. On another Core Group night, Robert arrived early and started talking with Jon, Eric, and myself about reports on the earthquakes in Los Angeles. Robert is a 22 year old Latino who has recently graduated from UCSB with a B.A. in Political Science. He is very politically aware and particularly concerned about issues of social justice for oppressed peoples. He had just come out a year before and had become very involved with the Pride Mission. Don said, "Are we having a meeting?" and then Jon said, "Yeah, it's just kind of relaxed." Robert patted the floor next to him, beckoning for Don to come and sit down. When Don sat down, Robert started playing with his hair. Twelve people were sitting on couches and chairs in a small circle around a coffee table. There were gay magazines, condoms and lube, and snacks on the table. Jon was talking about changing the image of the potluck being planned. He wanted to be sure that people would want to become involved in our group. Robert said, "Yeah, don't forget to bring your Weenie Delight." Everyone laughed. We discussed miscellaneous topics. Robert didn't say much during the meeting, but did volunteer to do outreach on the weekend. When the meeting ended, Lance crawled over to the cookies on the coffee table, and Robert climbed on his back and started riding him while spanking his butt. Then Robert sat in Don's lap and started pretending that Don was penetrating him; he was moaning and making erotic facial expressions intended to act out an orgasm. Then he picked up one of our new Connections tickets with two guys kissing on the front, handed it to Frank and said, "Robert Perez: FAG!" He was asserting that being a public and proud fag was his job.
Interviews with the Core Group individuals confirm the importance of safer sex as a motivation for group involvement. Pedro explained why the validation of safer sex norms is important:
I mean, sex is a part of our every day life, and I think that if we could all talk about it as if we were talking about what kind of coffee you drink, that would make it a lot more comfortable for a lot of people. If we each used the word condom three times a day, then it wouldn't be so hard to walk into the drug-store and buy a pack.Here, Pedro makes the connection between safer sex norms and behavior. During interviews, nobody explicitly said that they were interested in having safer sex on site, but they clearly stated that they value safer sex norms and attitudes. As the Core Group individuals began to work together and become closer, they began to express safer sex norms in the form of sexual behavior. For example, Robert and Mike took advantage of break and play times during Core Group to fool around, actually acting out safer sex ideas such as spanking and simulated anal sex with the other guys at the center. Safer Sex Solidarity
The Pride Mission community center provided a space in which the Core Group promoted safer sex norms and values through a variety of creative projects. The center itself served as a social context in which AIDS education messages and tools (such as condoms and safer sex packets) were made freely available to the community. Men involved with the Pride Mission said that their experiences at the Pride Mission changed their sexual behavior. For example, Steve said:
After going to Connections, I know all the different things that you can do that are much more erotic and satisfying and gratifying that I didn't know before. I'm pretty much secure in that fact that I know I'm safe, I've become more confident in the fact that I'm not at risk because I don't put myself at risk.Rick said:
The whole safe sex/condom thing and all that, it's such a norm here that it's become a norm. I've got them all over my house like where before I didn't. The things I've learned like in Connections, I think it improved the sexual part of my life; it has given me a lot more things to do.The Pride Mission not only gave gay and bisexual men new ideas for safe sexual expression, but it decreased the amount of unsafe sex among the target group. In a preliminary analysis of the Young Men's Survey focused on this group, researchers from UCSF found a thirteen percent drop in the amount of unprotected intercourse between boyfriends when comparing post-intervention results to pre-intervention results.7
While sexual liberation was the dominant political and cultural code among gay men who came out during the pre-AIDS, gay liberation period, sexual minorities coming out in the context of AIDS are faced with the complex challenges posed by safer sex prescriptions in addition to the distressful experience of dealing with homophobia. In this context, low self-esteem and lack of training and support for honest communication about sex have become risk factors for HIV transmission. The community empowerment response to AIDS at the Pride Mission created a cultural space in which young gay men affirmed gay pride and safer sex in an environment designed to facilitate group bonds and self-esteem among this peer group through social and education interactions. In addition, the center provided an arena in which individuals could communicate openly about safer sex and engage in safe sexual behavior and play. These kinds of spaces are necessary in the struggle to protect future generations from the deaths and suffering caused by AIDS.
Sexual identities, behaviors, communities, and politics have been shaped by complex social conditions during each stage of the lesbian and gay movement. As Simon and Gagnon have argued, "...the patterns of adult homosexuality are consequent upon the social structure and values that surround the homosexual after he becomes or conceives of himself as homosexual."8 In line with Simon and Gagnon's theory that sociocultural factors affect and shape the forms of gay life,9 individuals with "built-in" safer sex norms have been produced through group interactions at the Pride Mission community center. Simon and Gagnon state that "Cultural scenarios are the instructional guides that exist at the level of collective life."10 The construction of safer sexual behavior can be viewed as a sexual script produced at the collective level of the Pride Mission Core Group. Melucci's notion of the cultural laboratory is applicable here. He notes:
The emerging forms of collective action differ from the conventional models of political organization and operate increasingly outside the established parameters of the political systems. In complex societies, collective action creates new spaces which function as genuine sub-systems. These social spaces are the products of different forms of behavior which the system is unable to integrate, and include not only conflictual action but also deviant behavior and cultural experimentation.11Within this framework, the Pride Mission can be viewed as a laboratory in which young gay men experimented with pleasure, safer sex norms, and forms of behavior which are outside of the realm of mainstream cultural spaces.
The link between community building and safer sexual behavior among gay men is very strong. The findings in this research suggest that community-level AIDS education programs should be a part of AIDS education policies and widely available to all individuals at risk for contracting HIV. Most AIDS education programs are stuck in the self-empowerment model12 for education and do not provide community spaces in which target populations can create safer sex cultures. Why is it that programs, such as the Pride Mission, are not flourishing when the community empowerment approach to AIDS education is widely promoted as an effective strategy for harm reduction in AIDS education and research circles? Unfortunately, the Pride Mission itself was only temporary. When the funding ended, the Core Group was not able to maintain the program. Without the on-going maintenance of a safer sex community, will the trend toward safer sexual behavior among this group continue or will they experience a relapse into unsafe sexual behavior? In light of the lack of progress in preventing and curing HIV, research should look at how to create and sustain community level institutions and volunteer involvement in AIDS education. Federal aid for this is unlikely to be found while anti-gay sexual politics are being revived by the radical. The machinations and consequences of institutionalized homophobia in our society are occluding and sabotaging efforts to curb the spread of HIV among gay men. The lives of many individuals are at stake.
The Pride Mission stands as a hopeful model for creating social change, but it also reveals the need for a long-term vision of how to foster and sustain such programs. The empowering sense of community created by the Pride Mission made it a special place. It is clear that conditions similar to those found there are necessary in the struggle to strategize effective AIDS education programs. We need to mobilize the resources which are needed to provide spaces for the production of safer sex behavior change. In addition to financial resources, there is a great need for gay-positive spaces in which individuals can gather and where they can provide social and educational activities that will attract their peers and produce safer sex norms among them. Community empowerment cannot happen without a blend of unique individuals, such as the men who composed the Pride Mission Core Group, who share a common sense of commitment to community building, a project mission and goals, and a strong investment in and willingness to nurture a project which they care deeply about. These individuals must have the power to make the decisions which affect their lives and the policies which direct community-based organizations. I am convinced that effective and sustainable AIDS education work also needs to be fun and enjoyable. We need to retain messages about gay pride and pleasure as we foster safer sex. This representation of the Pride Mission serves as a map for building on a safer sex liberation.
Notes
1. Lemp et al. "The Young Men's Survey: Principal findings and results." AIDS office report to the San Francisco Health Commission, Berlin, June 1991.
2. Hays, Kegeles, Coates. "Understanding the high rates of HIV risk-taking among young gay and bisexual men: The Young Men's Survey." San Francisco: Center for AIDS Prevention Studies, University of California, June 1991.
3. Right wing groups cast sexually explicit education materials as perverted attempts to condone homosexuality. It should be noted here that this kind of homophobic politics has already been successfully legislated in the form of the Helms Amendment which lasted from 1987 until 1992 when it was struck down.
4. The Pride Mission represents only one among many adaptations to the AIDS crisis. Further research is needed to look into the formation of safer sex norms among other micro-cohorts in the AIDS generation with an eye to the intersections of gender, ethnicity, class, and various geographic backgrounds.
5. The Pride Mission structure also included an advisory board and two researchers from the University of California, San Francisco.
6. While membership fluctuated in the beginning stages of the program, the Core Group evolved into a continuous, stable group of twenty people within the first three months. These men ranged in age from 19 to 30 years old (average age: 24), and they all identify as gay or bisexual. The Core Group included: 11 Whites, 7 Latinos, 1 Black, and 1 Asian man. The group necessarily focuses on the target population and excludes a variety of people along an important set of variables: gender, age, and sexual identity. Sexual minorities and queer people who don't identify as young gay or bisexual men might not have felt comfortable at the center.
7. Kegeles, Hays. "Description of Pride Mission and Its Impact." Memo sent from the Center for AIDS Prevention Studies. University of California, San Francisco, 1994.
8. Simon, William, and John Gagnon. "Homosexuality: the formulation of a sociological perspective." Journal of Health and Social Behavior v8, September, 1967, 179.
9. Simon,William, and John Gagnon. Sexual Conduct: The Social Sources of Human Sexuality. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1973.
10. Simon, William, and John Gagnon. "Sexual Scripts." Society. Nov/Dec, 1984, 53.
11. Melucci, Albert. Nomads of the Present: Individual Needs in Contemporary Society. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989, 56.
12. This model rests on the notion that information, such as safer sex practices, must be provided to individuals in the context of their lives, but it is not a community level response to health education in which individuals are enabled to collectively make decisions about how to change their behavior.
